WEBVTT

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That's one slide.

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That's fine.

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OK, time is pressing, but let's try and move quickly.

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What's lowly?

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I know there's always some else.

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It's not that bad today.

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Last month from the Kingdom of Denmark, I happened to be here.

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I'm going to be very explicit, because I only have around eight minutes.

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I have prepared a deliberately sharpened argument.

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Oh, speak closer to the microphone, sorry.

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What I am going to say draws from practical experience,

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working with the Danish municipality level, so the local government.

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And this is years of attempting to make open source work at this level.

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The claim I put forward is that European open source policy fails locally,

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because it's designed for a different level.

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Today, Europe builds digital policy in a multi-level system.

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The EU sets ambitions.

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The national governments translate these into strategies.

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And the local governments are expected to implement.

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Of course, this is a diversion or a division of responsibility that makes sense.

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It's a democratic society, so it makes sense.

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But this is also often where implementation breaks down,

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because this is where policy actually meets reality.

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And even though I draw from practices in Denmark,

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I don't think Denmark is unique to this.

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Across Europe, of course, the form differs a bit.

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We have more or less decentralization, but all in all,

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we have that implementation and risk is pushed downward,

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and the control remains upward.

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In the end, local authorities, they carry responsibility for a delivery.

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But they often lack the incentives.

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They lack the competencies, and they lack the protection from risk,

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or against risk, you could say.

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I don't think they are unwilling.

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They are just constrained.

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And they are focused on keeping existing systems running.

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They need to provide services to citizens.

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So what happens is that open source becomes optional.

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And digital sovereignty becomes aspirational.

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And the strategies they remain documents rather than real working systems.

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One insight that stands out from my work that we go as to,

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is related to my introduction, but policy designed for one level,

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but implemented at another.

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It transfers to the risk without transferring the power.

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And that's guaranteed to fail.

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Because in many public institutions,

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digitalization is perceived as so complex that it's better left to others.

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And it creates a culture of distance rather than ownership.

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So open source suffers as a consequence.

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Because it's assumed to be higher, even more competence,

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and even more responsibility.

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And out of this culture grows a convenient explanation.

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The problem is technical, the problem is technical quality,

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rather than structural power.

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But when you really look at it, I don't think it is actually technical.

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It's not a technical problem.

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Because if you look at a typical Danish musicality,

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there's quite a lot of complexity there.

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Already run 3 to 500 IT systems that they manage every day.

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Many of these are deeply integrated.

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And I don't think it's unique to Denmark.

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So complexity is not new.

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It's something that's handled every day in the current system.

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And replacing this software is not the main channels.

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Transitioning the organizations are.

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So just to give an example.

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And so before everyone working with digital workplaces.

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But if you look at the digital workspace,

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we do know that the open alternatives exist.

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They're there. They've been there for a long time.

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But when the underlying infrastructure remains locked,

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then the workspace just becomes a surface layer

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that we put on top of a lot of deeper dependencies.

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So we're just changing whatever the users are seeing.

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Instead of changing or without changing.

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What actually binds the organization or creates the vendor login.

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And again, I think this is not by accident because governance contracts,

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competence profiles, leadership structures.

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It's all set out to minimize blame, minimize risk,

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and not to enable the transition.

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And another uncomfortable truth that I'm going to put forward

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is that last IT vendors, they are often invited into advisory roles.

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They help define what is considered realistic.

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So they see the procurement culture.

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And when it's the vendors defining the realism,

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the sovereignty really follows.

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So this is not a software problem.

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It's a governance, it's a culture and it's a power problem.

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And we need to look at it this way.

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I think I'm holding up time because I'm keeping a steady pace here.

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And keeping to my script.

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So if we're serious, if Europe is serious about digital sovereignty,

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we need policy.

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Policy must enable the level that actually implements.

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And not just the level that decides.

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And it's always good to have some suggestions.

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So it could require three shifts or it requires three shifts.

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We need to distribute the risk.

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Because local access, local government, they cannot bear all implementation risk,

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while having no control over the strategy.

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They need the room to experiment, to fail, and to trust, transition without being punished.

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We also need the EU institutions to walk the talk, demonstrate feasibility.

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Because if open source, sovereign solutions are considered good enough for Europe,

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then start by proving that it actually works in Brussels.

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We need to look at new projects.

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They must become the exception that challenges the norm.

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We have to stop doing what we've always done.

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Because we're deep down in a hole right now, and we should stop digging.

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That's the only way to get up, stop digging.

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So we must consider new projects.

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We must start new projects in a new way.

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And I'll just skip something here so we can move ahead.

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So the question here is, are we willing to start treating governance risk and power

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as the actual challenge?

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And what will we do differently tomorrow?

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We could go home, ask who bears the risk, who holds the power,

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and what structural conditions must change before this can work at scale.

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Because if we want to move someone, first understand them,

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and this means standing where they stand.

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So, and not where you want them to stand.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

